White Paper

ELECTIONS AND MUSHARRAF’S DESIGNS

Supremacy of Dictator

The propaganda machinery of General Musharraf was geared to only one objective from the very beginning, i.e. obstructing transfer of power from the military to the freely elected representatives of the people. Official spokesmen of the regime, a loyal group of selected analysts and commentators and the openly biased “talk shows” of the electronic media kept on hammering on a set of fallacies to poison the public mind. The people were told that military rule is better than civilian governments; that the decade from 1988 to 1999 was an era of disaster; that the politicians always invite the army to intervene; and that stability is more important than Constitution and democracy. The so-called promise to hold general elections at the end of the three-years rule allowed by the Supreme Court was mere eyewash.

The Supreme Court had also ordered General Musharraf to transfer power after the elections. But he never intended to do so, and embarked on a course of violating the Court’s ruling with declaring himself president through the farce of a referendum on April 30, 2002. Next, he arbitrarily mutilated the consensus Constitution of 1973 through the Legal Framework Order that concentrated all effective state power in his own hands. General Musharraf has thus already committed the serious crime of disobeying Pakistan’s apex court. Later, in order to carry his anti-state designs to their logical conclusion, he decided to hold the general elections in a way that his supremacy over the elected Parliament would not be challenged.

‘Enemy Number One’

After forced removal of the elected government of PML (N) on October 12, 1999, General Musharraf publicly vowed to oust Muhammed Nawaz Sharif and his party from the national politics. Whenever he was asked about his plans for restoration of democracy, he made it clear that Nawaz Sharif and his family would not be allowed to enter politics. In his broadcast speech on October 8, two days before the polling, he declared Nawaz Sharif “enemy of the people”. He also told a prominent journalist that Nawaz Sharif “is my enemy number one.”

He had the realization from day one that Nawaz Sharif’s real strength lay in the vast vote bank of Pakistan Muslim League. He therefore initiated his plans with large-scale horse-trading. He coerced, enticed or blackmailed 150 members of the PML to quit the party and form the faction named PML (Q). This exercise was focused on getting hold of winning candidates. Another 50 politicians with similar credentials were broken from the PPP. He also created another loyalist group called the National Alliance, later termed as grand National Alliance (GNA). It was only after creating these loyalist political factions that the program of general elections was announced.

Already, a computer cell had been set up in the GHQ under major General Arif Hayat to orchestrate a scenario for elimination of democratic elements in the country through rigging. The same cell had served Pervez Musharraf well in the referendum of April 30.

PRE-POLLS RIGGING

However, the regime was unsure of the efficacy of these moves. Therefore, more hurdles for created through harsh electoral laws aimed at forcing the country’s two main political parties out of the elections. When those gimmicks failed, the regime launched a well-orchestrated campaign of pre-polls rigging.

Unfair Delimitation

The regime excluded the Election Commission from the initial work of delimitation, and a cell in the NRB carried out the delimitation process in consultation with the candidates of the King’s Party (PML-Q). The rule of geographical contiguity and administrative unity was openly violated.

Spate of Transfers

One far-reaching measure, which had also been adopted by every military regime in the past, was to place police and other administrative officials according to the wishes of pro-government contestants.

Although large-scale transfers hit the press headlines in July, the process was silently started as early as May 2002. It was due to realization of this fact that the Pakistan Bar Council, in its meeting at Lahore on July 27, noted “147 officers have been transferred in Punjab, while 37 have been transferred in Sindh since May 1, 2002.” The national press started highlighting the unprecedented scale of transfers in the first week of July with the news that Punjab Government had ordered transfer of nine Superintendents of Police to benefit candidates of the King’s Party.

The Chief Election Commissioner belatedly ordered on July 23 to stop transfers of officials until completion of the elections. But, according to national press, the regime continued the illegal transfers for the benefit of its favorite contestants. The press reported reshuffling of five top posts in the Punjab government on August 31.

Official Lobbying

High civil and military officers of the regime started electioneering before the announcement of the election dates. It started from Quetta where the Governor and Corp Commander met with pro-establishment politicians to discuss what the government could do to facilitate their election. They allocated development funds for their respective areas to influence the voters. The Federal Government released seven billion rupees under the Khushhal Pakistan Program directly to the four provincial governors, instead of district governments. Three billion rupees out of this allocation were given to Punjab, two billion to Sindh and one billion each to Balochistan and NWFP. At the same time, the governors were authorized to use these funds at their discretion for assisting pro-regime politicians in their election campaigns. This decision was taken in defiance of clear instructions of the Election Commission that the federal and provincial governments should not use public resources for election campaigns.

Punjab: Governor of Punjab, Lt. General Khalid Maqbool (retd.), in flagrant violation of Section 92 of the Representation of the People Act, 1976, took the lead in open and unashamed lobbying for the pro-regime candidates. According to press reports, General Maqbool addressed dozens of public meetings during September at Lahore and nearby villages, Faisalabad, Sialkot, Sargodha, Khushab, Nowshera, Noorpur Thal, Jauharabad, Mandi Bahauddin Jehlum, Okara, Renala Khurd, Sahiwal, Sheikhupura, Chakwal, Hasan Abdal, Attock, Fateh Jang, Gujrat, Wazirababd, Sambarial and Rawalpindi. The fortunes of 173 candidates belonging to PML (Q) or GNA were at stake in these localities – 62 of them contesting for National Assembly seats (55 PML (Q), 7 GNA) and 111 for the provincial assembly (90 PML (Q), 21 GNA).

In these meetings the Governor announced grants totaling 72.6 billion rupees under different pretexts, allotted about one hundred thousand plots measuring 5 to7 marlas in rural areas, made tall promises of providing roads, gas drinking water, and made innumerable appointments of selected persons as police constables, patwaris and teachers. It is needless to say that the polling staff was to be drawn from these very categories of government servants.

Sindh: Governor Sindh, Muhammed Mian Soomro, started his campaign as early as July 3, 2002, when he expanded his lame duck cabinet with five new ministers, three from the newly formed, government-sponsored Sindh Democratic Alliance (SDA) and two from another loyalist group. The Nation summed up its editorial comment on this step with the sentence: “Obviously, the carrots are being dangled.”

Then, after the election schedule was announced he personally stepped in with promises of funds. He addressed public meetings at Karachi, Khairpur, Sukkur, Ghotki, Shahpur Jahanian, Tando Bago, Nosheru Feroze, Badin, Nawabshah, Tando Adam, Sanghar, Mehar and Thatha. 173 pro-regime candidates were running in these areas, including 90 candidates of PML (Q) and 21 from the GNA contesting for national Assembly seats.

The Governor doled out grants and promises amounting to a total of 16.16 billion rupees. He also promised to provide jobs in oil and gas exploration companies, and electricity and gas for the villages. At every meeting, he made it a point to appeal to the people to vote for pro-regime contestants, arguing that General Musharraf’s welfare schemes could not be continued unless his supporters were elected to the assemblies.

NWFP: Governor of the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Lt. General Iftikhar Hussain Shah pegged his election campaign meetings to inauguration of different projects. Starting his campaign in September, he continued it right up to the eve of the polling. He addressed public meetings at Kohat, Nowshera, Lakki Marwat, Dir, Sarai Naurang, Behram Khel, Batgram, Kohistan, Mansehra, Peshawar, Bannu and Banda Dawood Shah. 49 pro-regime politicians from PML (Q), GNA and independents were in the field in these areas – 13 running for national Assembly and 36 for the Provincial Assembly.

The Governor announced grants totaling 2.16 billion rupees at the public meetings, and promised various development projects including flyover, roads, colleges, small dams and tube wells. He promised a passport office for Bannu, plots in Peshawar Township and power distribution lines.

BALOCHISTAN: Governor of Balochistan, Justice Ameerul Mulk Mengal (retd.) took a little circuitous root to follow the directives of the military leaders for ensuring success of their political supporters. He started marshalling the pro-regime contestants, all from the PML (Q), in early July. The Corp Commander Quetta sat with him in the meeting to chalk out election strategy. The governor and the Corp Commander, Lt. General Abdul Quadir called another meeting of key officials on September 10. The officials were directed that development projects in their respective areas should be initiated immediately. The projects included construction of roads, schools and dispensaries, and provision of gas, electricity and drinking water. The Governor assured the contestants belonging to pro-regime parties that the projects would start soon.

Musharraf’s Personal Envoy: Another prominent civil servant, who was assigned by General Pervez Musharraf the task of carrying a political campaign on his behalf is his Principal Secretary and old class fellow Tariq Aziz. According to press reports during August and September, Mr. Aziz was constantly on the move to contact politicians and election contestants around the country to urge them side with the Chaudhrys of Gujrat – Shujat Hussain and Pervez Elahi – who are his personal friends.

Aziz himself confirmed these reports in an interview with The News, published on September 26. He defended his role with the “seemingly innocent’ statement that, "We have no politician minister in our cabinet so the president has assigned me, being his principal secretary, to look after the political affairs of the government."

This admission says it all. He would of course not admit to using his influence for political objectives, nevertheless confirmed that he held meetings with political leaders. Only a simpleton could believe that these meetings amidst the election campaign were unrelated to electoral politics.

Ministers and Nazimeen: The Ministers of the Musharraf regime and the pro-regime Nazimeen of district governments actively used their clout to influence the voters in clear violation of election rules. In the province of Sindh alone, at least three provincial ministers and Nazims of 12 districts assisted in the campaign of their sons and other close relatives contesting from the PML (Q) platform.

Sindh Irrigation Minister Syed Ijaz Ali Shah Shirazi and his brother Shafqat Hussain Shah Shirazi, District Nazim of Thatha, participated in various election rallies to support the minister’s son Ayaz Shah and nephew Manzoor Shah contesting for one National Assembly and three provincial seats in Thatha.

Sindh Agriculture Minister Sardar Muqeem Khoso held meetings with influential people of Jacobabad and Sukkur to muster support for his two sons Abdul Rahim (candidate for NA-209 and PS-14), and Abdul Razzaq candidate for NA-198).

Sindh Education Minister Khan Muhammed Dahiri lined up local officials to support SDA candidates Ashy Dahiri (PS-26) and Dr. Bahadur Dahiri (PS-28). The minister transferred 45 teachers from various parts of the district to ensure submissive staff at the polling stations.

Shikarpur District Nazim Arif Mehar used his official position to support his father Ghous Bux Mehar, PML (Q) provincial chief, contesting for NA-203 and PS-10.

In Swabi District, NWFP, the PML (Q) picked up two National Assembly and four provincial assembly candidates in consultation with district Nazim Sher Zaman Sher, who actively campaigned for them.

Lahore Nazim Mian Aamer Mehmood openly participated in campaign meetings of the PML (Q) candidates, advised them on polling strategy, even carried out hurried development works to attract votes for them.

Muhammed Yousuf Memon and Col. Siddiq, consultants of Chief Executive Secretariat, held a meeting with the Nazims of Sukkur District. They discussed the role of district governments in the coming elections, and told the participants that they were visiting all districts under a directive of general Pervez Musharraf.

Role of Police and Armed Forces

In early August, Asif Hayat, Inspector General (IG) of Punjab Police called a meeting of the Superintendents of Police (SPs) and informed them that “PML (Q) is our party and it is our responsibility to help it win the elections.” He ordered the SPs to respond to any call, legal or illegal, sent by the PML (Q) candidates. The SPs were given the option of being transferred if they had a problem with the arrangement. None of them invoked the option.

Asif Hayat visited Bahawalpur on September 9 to preside over a meeting of police officers and discuss the situation with reference to electioneering. He proceeded to Rahimyar Khan the next day on a similar mission.

Last Minute Amendments

General Pervez Musharraf announced three amendments to his Legal Framework Order the night before the polling. The first amendment “allowed” winning independent candidates to join any party of their choice within three days of the official declaration of election results. The move obviously means that in case of close contest between pro-regime and opposition parties, the independents can be pressured or enticed to join the side enjoying the regime’s blessings.

The second amendment in the LFO debars “for ever” any person from being elected or chosen as Member of Parliament or a Provincial Assembly if he is disqualified under any law for the time being in force. This provision is specifically designed to hit Shahbaz Sharif, Kulsoom Nawaz, who were disqualified by returning officers on flimsy and untenable grounds.

Under the third hasty amendment of LFO, Musharraf extended retirement age of the judges of Supreme Court and High Courts by two years. He has thus put the honorable judges in an embarrassing position, because these very judges might be called upon to decide on the legality of the LFO and its provisions governing the elections.

Polling Day Rigging

Numerous complaints of outright rigging and irregularities, affecting the election results have already been reported by the national press. More have yet to come to light. The PML (N) has verified and collected details of most of such malpractices:

In NA-18, Abbotabad II, polling agents of the PML (N) candidate were not allowed to enter seven polling stations at Maira Kalan, Namli Maira, Karmala, Maira Khurd, Lower Tajwal, Tajwal and Beeran Gali. The Presiding Officers at these polling stations refused to entertain written complaints of the agents, and allowed voters to cast votes without showing Identity cards. The rule of assigning separate booths for male and female voters was violated. Bogus votes in the name of at least six deceased persons were cast. Similarly, nine bogus votes were cast in the name of nine persons, who were not present in the village on the polling day.

Polling station No. 180 in NA-18, Abbotabad II was notified at Pari Maira Kalan, but was changed at the last moment to Maira Kalan, seven kilometers away. Since genuine voters could not reach the new locality, bogus voting was resorted to.

The Presiding Officer of polling station No. 166, Beeran Gali in NA-18, Abbotabad II was administered something at lunch, making him unconscious. He was admitted to hospital in Abbotabad, and the PML (Q) agents freely indulged in bogus voting in his absence.

After counting of ballot papers at seven polling stations of NA-18, Abbotabad II, the relevant papers were not put in required bags, nor were the bags sealed. Later, when the bags were seen being sealed at the office of the Returning Officer, press reporters and general public raised their voices, whereupon police were called to maintain order. The incident is evidence of ballot tampering.

In PP-168, Candidate Abid Chattha of PML (Q) kidnapped Presiding Officer Yousaf and took him away to some unknown place.

In NA-135, Sangla Hill, PML (Q) activists snatched away the ballot boxes. As a result, polling remained suspended for about one and a half hour, during which time the boxes were probably stuffed with fake ballots.

In Jodhpur village (NA-136 and PP-168), PML (Q) workers were caught stamping ballot papers outside a polling station.

In PP-167, the PML (Q) candidate was seen purchasing ballots from the voters for 200 to 300 rupees at the Jandiala Road polling station.

In NA-172, Pervez Musharraf’s friend Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari appeared to cast his vote polling station No. 177 with National Identity Card, which is compulsory for vote casting, but the presiding officer illegally allowed him to vote.

In NA-60 Chakwal-I, PML (N) candidate Ayaz Amir secured 69,875 votes against his opponent’s 61,000. Later, the Election Commission raised his opponent’s total by 11,000 votes.

In NA-125, PML (N) candidate Akram Zaki was not provided result sheets from 172 polling stations despite his repeated requests. The Returning Officer told that he had won the election, and said that the final result sheet would be displayed at 4.00 a. m. But the sheet was displayed at 11. a. m. showing victory of his rival from PML (Q).

In NA-117, Narowal, armed activists of PML (Q) threatened voters inside several polling stations and forced them at gunpoints to vote for their party. Some of them were later arrested only after they had achieved their objective.

IN PP-125, Sialkot, six PML (Q) gunmen snatched eight ballot boxes at the end of polling time from polling station in the Government Girls Primary School, Ludhar. No clue of the boxes was found.

In NA 100, Gujranwala, supporters of pro-regime candidate Hamid Nasir Chattha snatched ballot papers and boxes from two polling stations. As a result, the polling remained suspended for two hours. Chattha is among the winners.

In PS-112, Karachi, ballot papers marked with the symbol of an anti-regime candidate were found in a dustbin.

IN Lahore, a large number of voters could not vote due to overnight change of the polling locations. Polling Stations Nos. 29 and 30 in NA-121were changed at 11:30 on Wednesday night, while the location of stations Nos. 84, 94 and 95 was changed at 10:30 a. m. on Thursday (the polling day).

In Kashmore (NA-210) GNA candidate Saleem Jan Mazari (NA 210 Kashmore) kidnapped 17 polling agents of the MMA at gunpoint.

In Lahore, last-minute instructions by the Election Commission to the Returning Officers in City required hundreds of Presiding Officers to unseal bags containing ballot papers on the election day evening. The Presiding Officers were also required to hand over to the staff of the Returning Officer invoice which detailed the whole number of ballot papers given to the voters and other facts relating to them. This lately made requirement is without any precedent. Previously neither unsealing of the khaki and white bags was allowed at the time of submitting the bags containing ballot papers of the polled votes and the third containing miscellaneous. A Presiding Officer, under the guiding manual issued to them by the Election Commission of Pakistan, is supposed to submit to the Returning Officer three bags put under the seal after counting the vote cast at the polling station, receipt of the payment PO made to the polling staff and the brass. No PO is required under the guiding booklet to unseal the bags once they are put under seal at the polling station. Violation of this rule clearly indicated intentions to tamper with the ballots.

In Shikarpur, PML (Q) activists forcibly took away two ballot boxes from Hazrat Hambah polling station.

In Islamabad, hundreds of people found their names missing from the voter lists, when they came to cast their votes at their respective polling stations here on Thursday. They also found the names of their families scattered in the lists, which caused serious hardships to them, and many of them returned in disappointment. PML-Q supporters had full control of the vehicles impounded by the local administration for the transportation of the polling staff and they used these vehicles to pick and drop the voters.

In Rawalpindi, about 20 per cent voters, especially women voters, could not cast their votes due to mistakes in the electoral list in most of the polling stations. Many voters had to wait for hours to get their names checked but they had to go back without casting their votes.

In Shikarpur, NA-202, Jatoi tribesmen cordoned off 14 polling stations, forcibly entered the polling stations and stamped the ballot papers in favor of GNA Candidate Ibrahim Jatoi after snatching them from the polling staff. Polling agents at six polling stations were kidnapped and not released until the completion of polling.

In Attock city, when the chief election commissioner was on a visit to a women polling station polling agents of PML-N and MMA complained to him that the DSP Attock Raja Sikandar, SHO Police Station Attock city Haji Shafique and other police officials were openly interfering in the election process. They were harassing the voters and forcing them to cast their votes in favor of PML-Q candidates. But, the CEC instead of taking action against the officials concerned asked another police official to look into the matter, and left the scene canceling his visit to other polling stations.

In NA-201, Ghotki II, Nazim of Pannu Aaqil, Ali Gul Mehar and SHO Karim Deno Sharr captured polling stations of Pannu Aaqil city. Voters of PPP were denied to enter and cast their votes. Two polling agents were kidnapped and illegal voting and stamping on balloting continued in the presence of the administration. Polling stations of SADUJA, GODHPUR, and SHAHPUR were captured by armed people.

In NA. 223, Dadu III, armed men of PML (Q) candidate Liaqat Ali Jatoi kidnapped a number of polling agents at gunpoint and intimidated voters in the constituency as he was a prominent landlord of the area.

In NA-228, Mirpurkhas III, activists of pro-regime Sindh Democratic Alliance (SDA) captured four polling stations and the opposition polling agents were not allowed in. The SDA candidate was seen stuffing the ballot boxes with bogus votes.

In NA: 229, Tharparkar I, armed gangs under the patronage of SDA candidate Dr Arbab Ghulam Rahim captured 30 polling stations and stuffed ballots in ballot boxes. The district returning officer ignored the incidents.

In NA- 245, Karachi VII, the election commission failed to provide polling boxes for the polling station at Government Premier College.

In NA-250, Karachi XII, polling stations of Abdullah Shah Ghazi and Defense were shifted without any prior information. At St. Michael School, polling started two hours later than the scheduled time.

In PS-12, Shikarpur-IV, SHO Anwar Sheikh with Abid Hussein attacked polling stations at Kot Shahoo Deh Mohra Mari, Shah Ibrahim, and Napian Abad and terrorized the voters with firing. They kidnapped four PPP polling agents, but the police refused to register FIR of these incidents.

In PS-83, Sanghar VI. Candidate: Rehman Thahim: The main opposition party burned the motor vehicles of our candidate. Four belonged to the supporters and one belonged to our former PPP provincial minister. Further, a ballot box was handed over to the returning officer by the PML candidate claiming that it was left in a polling station. Around 1200 votes came out from the ballot box.

Ms Naheed Khan, the presiding officer at Noor Jahan polling station, NA 122 and PP 128, effectively handed control of the booth to her husband, who subsequently assumed authority over police and began personally stamping the ballot papers of female voters.

A polling station at Government High School, Bugra (PF-49) was changed at the eleventh hour at the behest of the District Nazim whose brother was a candidate in PF-49.

In Sanghar district a newly transferred police officer seized a polling station, threw out candidates' polling agents and himself stamped the ballot papers. Complaints were promptly made to the Election Commission but failed to elicit any response.

At a polling station in Gujrat district, a candidate's henchman was found to have taken over from the Presiding Officer while the latter looked like a helpless spectator of the proceedings.

At a number of polling stations in Gujrat and Lahore indelible ink was not put on voters' fingers. It was alleged by the polling staff that they had not received indelible ink at all.

In Kasur district no responsible authority knew where a particular polling station was. The location of polling stations was changed at the eleventh hour in many constituencies.

In Lahore Township, two sectoral lists of voters assigned to a polling station were available neither with the polling staff nor with candidates. Several hundred voters failed to cast their votes.

A number of voters in Lahore complained that when they arrived at polling stations they were told that their votes had already been cast. Obviously, the use of forged ID cards or voting without such cards could not be stopped.

In PP-20, Chakwal I, victory of PML (N) candidate begum Iffat Liaqat Ali by 5,000 votes was declared after the counting at midnight, but in the morning her rival, Ijaz Hussain Farhat of PML (Q) was declared the winner.

In NA-128, Lahore XI, Sardar Kamil Omar of PML (N) was winning with a comfortable margin until early hours of next morning, when presiding officers of four polling stations disappeared without handing over the results to the returning officer. They returned at 11 a. m. and the results were reversed to defeat the PML (N) candidate.

Comments by National Press

“There is a perception that the PML (Q) could not have made the gains it did without the enactment of laws specific to the leaders of the PPP and PML (N) and the widespread use of the bureaucracy to knock together a King's party while creating divisions in the opposition. The unusual delay in the announcement of results of the polling has also given birth to suspicions, particularly in constituencies where the trend indicated by the results of the majority of polling stations suddenly reversed after the delay.” – Nation, October 12, 2002

“Neither the hapless Election Commission nor the official electronic media, which was tethered to it, seem to have realized that the advent of private TV channels had deprived them of the luxury of time and the cocoon of secrecy in which to compile and release the results. Thus, most of the unofficial results had been announced by the private channels around midnight when the Chief Election Commissioner finally found it fit to appear on PTV and belabor the reading out of two official results. Even late into Friday afternoon, long after almost the entire outcome had been reported by the independent media, not even half the results had been officially declared. Yet, even as far back as 1970 and in most subsequent elections, official results were announced and the special PTV telecast wound up by early next morning. It is unclear why this time the Commission had to mull over the results for such a frustratingly long period, especially when these had already been compiled and declared by the returning officers. The time-lag between official and unofficial result declaration has done nothing but fuel suspicions and speculation which could have been so easily avoided.” – The News, October 12, 2002

“Following the completion of polling process on the evening of October 10, it was expected that, given the availability of modern communication facilities, results from the constituencies would be announced soon. However, not a single result was announced by the government-controlled radio and TV till midnight. The politicians and general public, therefore, rightly expressed concern and suspicions….

“Reports about pre-polls rigging, official interference, undue partiality in favor of the King’s Party and government pressures to increase its strength had already started pouring in by early August. Analyses by foreign observers were also generally correct in this respect. The people were surprised when announcements on October 11 suddenly started blowing up turnout figures and the number of successful candidates belonging to the favored party increased. Moreover, winners according to earlier announcements were declared losers, while losers were turned into winners. Hence the suspicion that some fiddling has been going on in the announcement of the results.” – Nawa-I-Waqt, October 11, 14, 2002.

“Objectively seen, the government has failed in proving itself impartial, while the Election Commission has failed in enforcing its authority.” – Daily Pakistan, October 14, 2002

Comments by NGOs

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, in its interim report released on October 12, observed, “the results cannot be described as wholly representative of the will of the electorate.” The report, based on eyewitness accounts of 1,300 field observers in 116 National Assembly constituencies, says that “not content with its pre-poll manipulation of the electoral process, the administration seemed to have continued to tamper with it during the polling and afterwards.” The changes occurring in the unofficially announced results have raised serious doubts about continuation of efforts to secure pre-determined results after the end of polling, the report added.

Liberal Forum Pakistan stated in its report released on October 17 that “recently held general election were marred by official interference, production of fake identity cards and irregularities in voters lists together with disallowing agents of political parties to monitor counting process”. In rural areas, “Nazims and Councillors tried to influence the process openly right from the change of polling stations at the eleventh hour to publicly siding with one or the other party”. The polling staff was reluctant to give final results and at many places they failed to paste it outside the polling stations in defiance of announcement of the Election Commission, added the report.

Foreign Observers

European Union observers termed the general elections ‘seriously flawed’ and criticized State interference in the voting process. According to preliminary report of the European Union Electoral Observers Mission (EUEOM) released on October 12, “the secrecy of votes was compromised, political agents were disallowed and aggregation of vote counting displayed shortcomings.”

The 42-member team of Asian Network for Free Elections accused Pakistan government of action, which undermined the fairness of the electoral process. Among the actions that impaired the transparency of the elections, they listed intimidation of candidates, biased amendment of electoral framework and restrictive interpretation of campaign regulations. They said that polling agents were not given a chance to verify votes marked on ballots, or recount ballots by themselves.

Post-Polls Manipulations

Among the most blatant manipulation of results by General Musharraf is the change of procedure for election of reserved seats for women and minorities. In his Legal Framework Order, issued on August 20, 2002, he had stated that members to the seats reserved for women and minorities shall be elected through proportional representation system of political parties' lists of candidates on the basis of total number of general seats secured by each political party from the Province concerned in the National Assembly; Provided that a political party securing less than five percent of the total number of seats in the National Assembly shall not be entitled to any seat reserved for women or non-Muslims.

After the results, he realized that some of his loyalists would not able to elect women or minority members, he lowered the parties’ entitlement from 5 percent to three percent of National Assembly seats with an amendment in the LFO on October 14.

The massive pre-polls rigging, the restrictive measures against the country’s major political parties, particularly PML (N), and then the polling day rigging incidents -- many more are yet to come to light, demonstrate the military regime’s continuing endeavor to perpetuate military rule over Pakistan. But the failure of the PML (Q) in gaining simple majority in the national assembly, unassailable plurality of the PML (N) and PPP indicate the futility of Pervez Musharraf’s designs to marginalize these parties. However, the overall results of the polls have confronted General Musharraf with unforeseen consequences. He has been able, to some extent, to marginalize major political parties, but public resentment, rather strong opposition to his economic and foreign policies, and disgust with military rule is evident in the overall results of the elections. It is, therefore, time that General Musharraf recognizes the writing on the wall, and reign in his over-vaulting ambitions. The people know, and the General should realize that the transfer of power under the circumstances created by him would not be a transfer from the military rule to the government of elected representatives of the people. It would be a transfer from military takeover to military supremacy, which would spell disaster for democracy, the Constitution and the country.

Let General Musharraf and his cohorts heed to the warning given by The Nation in its editorial on October 12, 2002:

“All attempts by the powers that be to root out the PPP and PML (N) have ended in smoke, ironically on the very anniversary of its takeover. Any further moves to marginalize the two mainstream parties by foisting unnatural coalitions on the federation and various provinces could have disastrous consequences for the country. There is still time for a change of course leading to national reconciliation. The initiative lies with the President”.